International
and European
Studies
International
Politics
Unit. International System Since 1995 topic: The Korean WarBy:
Khinh Sony Lee Ngo |
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------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Key words: Korean war, Korea North & South divided, world history. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ |
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The
perpetuation of the division of Korea in 1948 had different meanings for
the people of the South and the North.
To the people of the Republic of Korea (South Korea), it was a
situation they had to accept although they had no desire to maintain it.
What most concerned the Republic of Korea was the fear of
communization of the whole peninsula.
Their attitude was that they would rather live divided
temporarily than unified under communism. On
other hand, the division of Korea ran counter to the North Korean
design. The regime in the North felt it had been denied a good chance
to extend its control over the South.
The North had already established a full-fledged army by February
1948, and its strength soon reached 200,000 regular soldiers in contrast
to the small numbers of the South Korean constabulary. The
ultimate objective of North Korea’s unification policy was to take
over South Korea by military means.
In order to pursue that objective, the North Korean regime
improved its military preparedness through negotiation with the Soviet
Union on the one hand, and attempted to undermine the Republic of Korea
government by a peace offensive and subversive means on the other.
In the face of unremitting
Communist pressures, the Republic of Korea government tried to insure
its security. However, the peace and security that South Korea sought
became a mirage. On June
25, 1950, less than a week after North Korea had made another
“peaceful unification” proposal, it launched a full-scale invasion
of South Korea and started a war that was to continue for three years. To
repel the unprovoked aggression, the United Nations, led by the United
States, quickly took steps to organize a collective police force and
come to the aid of the South. The
war was finally brought to cease-fire in July 1953 with the conclusion
of the Armistice Agreement between the
UN command and the North Korean and Chinese Communist forces.
This failed to bring about a unified Korea, leaving the country
divided as before. The
Korean War addresses clearly the international dimensions of its
diplomacy and its impact on global politics.
Although ideological confrontation between authoritarian
communism and liberal capitalism often appeared to be most striking
reality in the great power contest over Korea, it invariably was
filtered through national perspectives, domestic pressures, and
individual personalities. Thus
ideology usually holds limited explanatory power for specific decisions.
The Korea War explained the course of the war from the
perspectives of the great powers most prominently involved the United
States, the Soviet Union and China. Part
1. Korea divided, the
Causes and Background Factors 1.1:
The Japanese gone home: The roots of the Korean War are deeply embedded
in history. While few regions are less suited to warfare than is the
mountainous—China, Japan, and the Soviet Union—vied for its control. By 1910, Japan had established a supremacy that it was to
maintain until its defeat in World War II. Korea had been
a Japanese possession for some 40 years, but collapsed after the
dropping of the Atomic bombs. Seven
day after the Japanese surrender that ended World War II, the Soviet
Union declared war on Japan. Soviet
troops entered Korea. By agreement, the Soviet Union (Stalin regime)
accepted the surrender of all Japanese forces in Korea north of the 38th
parallel of latitude, while the United States accepted the surrender of
Japanese units south of the 38th parallel. 1.2:
Soviet and USA occupation in Korea: The Soviet Union quickly sealed off the
38th-parallel border. It soon set up an interim civil government for the
9 million Koreans of the north, which contained most of Korea’s
industry. The government was run by Soviet-trained Communist officials. The United States maintained a military
government in the south. The 21 million Korean of the largely
agricultural region were not satisfied with it. 1.3:
The Establishments of Korea’s
two governments: A United States-Soviet commission that was established
to make plans for the reunification of Korea under a free government
made no progress. In 1947 the United States took the problem before the
United Nations, which voted that free elections—under its
supervision—should be held throughout Korea in 1948 to choose a single
government. The Soviet
Union refused to permit the United Nations election commission to enter
the north. Elections were
thus held only in the south where a National Assembly and a president—Syngman
Rhee—were chosen. The new
democracy was named the Republic of Korea. In the North, the Soviet Union proclaimed a
Communist dictatorship - “Kim Il Sung”, and called the Democratic
People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea). Pyongyang was named its
capital. “September
1947, US leaders decided to dump the Korean problem into the lap of
United Nations General Assembly; —the move reflected US weakness in
Korea. Condition below the
38th parallel had steadily deteriorated.
The absence of land reforms combined with the division of the
peninsula and the influx of Koreans from the Soviet zone and Japan to
produce a depressed economy. The
Communists, aided by infiltractors from the North, took full advantage
of this situation, and at least thirty percent of the people in South
Korea are leftists, following Communist leaders who support the Soviets
behind United States lines.” 1
1.4:
Soviet troops and USA troops withdraw from Korea:
With
the communist party firmly in control in the North, the Soviets
announced withdrawal most of their occupation forces, completed by
January 1949. This move
increased pressure on the Americans to withdraw from the South, a move
that was being considered already for other reasons.
One of these was the hostility of the Korean to foreign
occupation; Americans
anticipated demonstrations, riots, and other acts of violence that would
make continued occupation difficult.
Also there was budgetary pressure from domestic sources to cut
back military forces. The
military did not see any great need for retaining troops in Korea—they
considered it would be a liability in any future war, which would
undoubtedly be fought globally with nuclear weapons.
Therefore in June 1949, the United States withdrew its troops,
leaving behind (as a Russians had in the North) military advisers— a
total of 500 for the 65,000 men South Korean army.
But, to keep the South from going to war and reunifying the
country by force, the United States took with its departing forces all
weapons that could be used offensively—airplanes, tanks and heavy
artillery. North
Korea’s attack was clearly the most risky of these move. US signals on
Korea had been ambiguous. “During 1949 the United States withdrew its last occupation
troops from the peninsula, and it responded coolly to overtures by the
Philippines, Nationalist China, and South Korea regarding a ‘Pacific
Pact’ along the lines of NATO. In
his address on 12 January
1950 Secretary of State Dean Acheson omitted South Korea from the US
defense perimeter in the Pacific while suggesting that, if attacked, the
ROK (Republic of Korea) could expect help from the United Nation.” 2
1.5:
USSR “A” bomb test, and, Communist victory on Chinese
mainland:
In
August 1949, the Soviet explosion of an atomic device which ended the US
monopoly over the most potent weapon in human history.
Concern also existed about developments in the East. The
Communist under Mao regime had won in China without consistent Soviet
aid or a close relationship with Moscow over the past generation. 1.6:
Truman in trouble: In the United States, the Truman
administration also had difficulty maintaining support for aid to Korea.
“In mid-January 1950 the House of Representatives actually defeated an
economic assistance bill for the ROK”. 3
Subversion, Communist-supported guerrilla activities, and border
raids by North Korean. Understandably,
Stalin gave a tentative green light to Kim. In addition, Kim saw every
reason to seek unification by force. South Korea, however, successfully
resisted North Korean attempts at forces.
Frustrated, North Korea early in 1950 decided upon war to achieve
its goal of Korean unification under Communist rule. In June 1950 North Korea army—89,000
combat troops . North Korea’s infantry was also supported by
approximately 150 Soviet-made medium tanks, ample artillery, and small
air force. South Korea’s
ground forces included a 45,000-member national police force and an army
of 65,000 combat troops. South Korea was armed largely with light
infantry weapons supplied by the United States. It had no tanks or
combat aircraft, and its artillery was inferior of that of North Korea.
Its officers and enlisted men had generally less training and experience
than did those of North Korea. 4
Part
2. The Korean War (June 25,
1950 - July 27, 1953) 2.1:
A civil war to International Conflict: Under such circumstances
early on the Sunday morning of June 25, 1950, without any warning
or declaration of war, North Korean troops invaded the unprepared South
across 38th parallel. It was a well-prepared , all-out attack. South
Korea’s troops fought bravely, but proved no match for the heavily
armed Communists and their Russian T-3 tanks who were not checked until
they reached the Naktonggang River near Taegu. —South Korea’s army, smaller and not as well trained and
equipped as that of North Korea, was unable to stem the onslaught. By
June 28, Seoul had fallen, and across the peninsula, everywhere
south of the Han River, the shattered remnants of South Korea’s army
were in full retreat. 2.2:
The United Nations Reaction
—within hours after the invasion of South Korea began, the
United Nations Security Council called for an immediate cease-fire and
the withdrawal of North Korean forces from South Korea. North Korea
ignored the resolution. Two days later the Security Council urged United
Nations members to assist South Korea in repelling its invaders. Both
resolutions passed because the Soviet Union was boycotting Security
Council meetings. Had the
Soviet delegate been
present, he surely would have vetoed the measures. The Republic of Korea appealed to the United
Nation. In response, the Security Council passed a resolution ordering
the Communists to withdraw to the 38th parallel and encouraged all
member countries to give military support to the Republic.
16 nations sent troops to the aid of South Korea.
The United States sent an
army; Great Britain , a division, and other nations, lesser units.
US troops soon began to arrive, and were subsequently joined by
those from 15 other nations: Australia, New Zealand, Britain, France,
Canada, South Africa, Turkey, Thailand, Greece, Netherlands, Ethiopia,
Columbia, the Philippines, Belgium, and Luxembourg. The three
Scandinavian countries sent hospitals along with medical personnel. The United States army in Korea ultimately
numbered some 300,000 combat troops, supported by about 50,000 Marine,
Air Force, and Navy combatants. 2.3:
The United States Reaction The United States reacted even
more quickly than did the United Nations. Upon hearing of the North
Korean attack, President Harry S. Truman directed General of the army
Douglas MacArthur, commander of the United States occupation forces in
Japan, to insure the safe evacuation of the United States civilians and
to supply weapons and ammunition to South Korea. As the decision to
aid Korea was being made, it was also decided to go to the UN and
request Security Council supported the United States because the Soviet
was then boycotting the Security Council as a protest against its
failure to seat the new Communist Chinese regime in place of Nationalist
China. Thus the Soviet was
not there to use its veto,— “a mistake which is not repeated during
the Cold War”4a
On
June 26, United States air and naval forces were directed to support
South Korea ground units. The commitment of United States ground forces
was authorized after General MacArthur inspected the battlefront. The
ground forces available to General MacArthur in Japan were four
understrength Army divisions composed largely of inexperienced,
undertrained men and lacking in heavy weapons. Further actions taken by the
United States at this time show the importance attributed to the
interpretation that the war was part of an overall communist strategy.
One thing the United States did was to reverse itself on the issue of
Formosa, now putting it inside our defensive perimeter by sending the
Seventh Fleet to patrol the Straits of Taiwan.
The United States also tempered its opposition to colonial
regimes enough to give aid to the French, who were fighting Vietnamese
Communists and Nationalists in Indo-China. Early in July the United Nations
asked the United States to appoint a commander for all United Nations
forces in Korea. President Truman named General MacAthur. Soon
thereafter, South Korea placed its forces under the United Nations
command. After the fall of Seoul, North Korea’s
forces paused briefly to regroup, then resumed their southward drive. South Korea’s army resisted bravely but was pushed back
steadily. Three United
States divisions sent to its aid were committed in small units. They too
were driven into retreat.
By late July the remnants of South
Korea’s army and the United States units had been pressed into a
small, roughly rectangular area surrounding the port of Pusan at the
southeastern tip of Korea. Here,
defending a perimeter roughly 150 miles long, the United Nations forces
finally were able to hold as reinforcements poured in.
Under the command of Gen. Douglas MacArthur, the allied forces
began to take the initiative, and after a surprise landing at Inch’ön
on 19 September
pushed the Communists out of South Korea and advanced into the
North. 2.4:
The Chinese Intervention: But in October the Communist
Chinese intervented, throwing such large numbers of troops into battle
that the UN forces were forced to retreat.
Seoul one again fell into Communist hands on January 4, 1951.
The UN Forces regrouped and mounted a counterattack, retaking Seoul on March
12. A stalemate was reached roughly in the area along the 38th
parallel, where the conflict had begun. At this point the Russians called for
truce negotiations, which finally began at Kaesong in July of 1951 and
were transferred to Panmunjöm
in November that year. The talks dragged on for two years and the truce
agreement was finally signed July
27, 1953, at 10:00 P.M., Korean time, the guns fell silent along the
blood-soaked main line of resistance.
This failed to bring about
a unified Korea, leaving the country divided as before along a 4
kilometer-wide and 249 kilometer-long Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). The conclusion of the cease-fire had probably
been hastened by events outside of Korea.
First, General of the army Dwight D. Eisenhower, who succeeded
Truman as president of the United States in January 1953, had hinted
broadly that military pressure might be sharply increased if the
fighting did not end soon. Second,
the death in March 1953 of Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin caused a
general turning inward of the Communist Soviet, however, it did not
produce universal optimism outside the Communist world. In western
Europe, many saw the dictator as a source of restraint on Soviet foreign
policy. Perhaps the most
obviously is that the West in crisis, and, that the United States was
having “considerable difficulties” with its European allies and that
relations with the United Kingdom “had become worse”. 2.5:
The war’s outcome: It would be inadequate to end
by arguing simply that the Korean War generated a modicum of
international stability in the wake of dangerous conflict, represented a
victory of sorts for the United States, a defeat for the Soviet Union,
and that its most tragic dimensions resulted from its prolongation
through miscalculation from both sides. Those conclusions alone would assure the conflict a central
place in the history of the cold war, but they would ignore numerous
other dimensions of Korea’s impact;—“Korea losses in number of
people killed, wounded, and missing approached 3 million, a 10 of the
entire population, another 10 million Korean saw their families divided;
5 million became refugees. In
property, North Korea put its losses as US$ 1.7 billion, South Korea at
$ 2 billion, the equivalent of its gross national product for 1949. North Korea lost some 8,700 industrial plants, South Korea
twice that number. Each area saw 600,000 homes destroyed.” 5
Part
3. Conclusion - The Korean
War as International History 3.1:
The Cold war was as close to becoming Hot: October 1950 was a
pivotal month in the Korean War. Despite Chinese warnings, UN ground
forces crossed the 38th parallel and pushed their way toward the
Manchurian border. China responded by sending hundreds of thousands of
troops to the peninsula. Unaware
of Beijing’s decision, President Truman and General MacArthur met at
mid-month on Wake Island in the Pacific Ocean. Brimming with
self-confidence, the UN commander assured his commander in chief and a
team of advisers that the war was all but won, that US troops could
begin to be reassigned from the theater by the end of the year, were US
units in Korea would be fighting for
their survival in the face of a Chinese onslaught. — With the possible
exception of a few days in October almost a dozen years later, the cold
war was as close to becoming hot on a global scale as at any time in its
forty-year history. 3.2:
Korean War was a limited war: —Yet the Korean War did not escalate beyond the
country’s boundaries. The
Soviets, while using many of their own planes and pilots to assist their
Chinese and North Korean allies, restricted their operations to the
extreme northern reaches of the peninsula.
Although US flyers sometimes breached the Yalu River boundary and
even strafed airfields in Manchuria, such attacks were limited in scale
and clearly contrary to Washington policy. (On both Soviet and US air
activities, see Halliday, “Air Operations in Korea”). The leaders of the two countries with the
greatest capacity to expand the war—Stalin and his successors on the
Soviet side, Truman and Eisenhower on the American—consistently
preferred to limit the conflict. When
pressures on Truman to expand the war became acute in the months
following China’s intervention in later 1950, US allies joined with
the Third World neutrals in the UN General Assembly to discourage US
adventurism. 3.3:
Korean War as a substitute for World War III: Though limited in geographical scope to a small
Asian country and beginning as a struggle between armies of Koreans, the
conflicts eventually included combatants representing twenty different
governments from six continents. Of the estimated casualties to military
personnel, more than half were non-Korean.
The war rendered terrible destruction to indigenous peoples and
failed to resolve the political division of the country, which remain a
source of tension and danger to the present day.
Yet it contributed significantly to the evolution of an order
that escaped the ultimate horror of a direct clash of superpowers. In
its timing, its course, and its outcome, the Korean War served in many
ways as a substitute for World War III. Of the foreign participants, the United
States and China played by far the largest role in actual fighting, yet
several other nations had a major impact on the course of the war. In
the Soviet bloc, the Soviet Union itself provided large-scale material
assistance to North Korea and China; its pilots flew hundreds of combat
missions over the northern reaches of the peninsula; and the presence in
Manchuria of army units, plus a substantial portion of its air force,
all represented a major deterrent to US action beyond the Yalu River.
Soviet posturing in other areas, especially in Europe, achieved a
similar end. Soviet
diplomats played an active role in the United Nation and elsewhere as
advocates of the North Korean and Chinese cause and as intermediaries
between their allies and the United States.
In the West, at crucial times, US allies, especially Great
Britain and Canada, provided counterweights to tendencies in Washington
to start along a road of escalation in Korea that could have ended in
World War III. In their
urging to restraint, the allies received valuable support—at times
even leadership—from India and other Asian neutrals. However, the United Nation
played a limited role, which could described as little more than an
instrument of US policy. To
be sure, the international organization often played that role, but just
as often it provided the
setting for allied and neutral pressure on the United States, an
institutional framework within which weaker nations could coordinate
their efforts to influence the world’s greatest powers.
Such efforts frequently succeeded, in part because many of those
nations had contributed forces to Korea.
The UN in the Korean War merits attention not only as an agency
of collective security against “aggression”, but as a channel of
restraint on a superpower that occasionally flirted with excessively
risky endeavors;—Thus, “the most obvious point is that the war did
not turn the international body into an effective agency of collective
security. North Korea’s attack at June 1950 came three years after
members of the United Nations Military Staff Committee had failed to
agree on the nature of an international armed force.” 6
The United States dominated the Korean
enterprise, but it was unable to build on the venture to provide the
United Nations with the wherewithal to protect other states in the
future. The trials and tribulations of US diplomacy in the UN General
Assembly from late 1950 to the end of the war discouraged such an
effort, which, in the face of Soviet opposition and allied reservation,
never had much prospect for success anyway. Nor did the United Nations emerge from
Korea with an enhanced reputation for resolving international disputes.
The war failed to end Korea’s division, and it was instrumental in
barring from membership in the United Nations the government in control
of the world’s most populous nation.
With the People’s Republic China and the Democratic People’s
Republic Korea, not to
mention Republic of Korea, standing outside the organization, it hardly
could expect to play a key role in future negotiations regarding the
peninsula. Even the UN’s
part at crucial moments in containing the conflict in Korea by
restraining the United States was not widely appreciated at the time.
The war, in short, did not leave the United Nations with a
measurably enhanced reputation. The participation in the war—its origins or its
course or both—was often the result, at least in the part, of
calculations having little to do with Korea.
“In 1949, Communists marched to victory in a civil war on
Chinese mainland, thus the role of China lobby”,7
plus Soviet leader Joseph Stalin gave Kim Il Sung the green light in the
spring of 1950 primary to serve his purposes regarding China and Europe.
Smaller backers of the UN cause in the fighting contributed
largely in hopes of influencing the United States, frequently in places
other than Korea.—This point leads to the conclusion, namely, that the
war’s impact was global, despite the limited geographical scope of the
fighting.—Thus the Korean War played a pivotal role in the rearming of
the West and in expanding US military commitments on a global scale. —At that result, the military buildups in both the
West and the Soviet bloc had important economic and political
consequences, which, in turn, influenced both the course and final
impact of the war.—Japan became an essential supplier of material for
the UN cause in Korea and this role assisted greatly in Japan’s final
recovery from World War II and integration into the Western alliance
system. — In Western Europe, higher military spending
produced deficits in budgets and dollar accounts that were exacerbated
by increased prices in raw materials and reduced economic assistance
from the United States. The
United States complained of what they considered to be the slow pace of
European rearmament, and the Europeans resented US pressure for greater
efforts from their already trained economies.
Such squabbling, often in public, encouraged leaders on the other
side to believe that contradictions in the enemy camp ultimately would
tear apart the enemy coalition. For
a substantial period, this belief undermined US bargaining power
directed toward bringing the Korean War to an end. The Korean War raised cold war tensions to
new heights, but its impact actually
induced Stalin’s successors to pursue a measure of détente
with the West and with the wayward Communist regime of Josef Broz Tito
in Yugoslavia. Between Beijing and Washington, the
barriers to a constructive relationship proved more difficult to
overcome. Although U.S. and
China never formally at war, however, China and the United States had
confronted each other directly in Korea, both on the battlefield and at
the negotiating table, and the experience produced lingering bitterness
and fears on both sides. —The war also provided the occasion for US
intervention to prevent China from conquering the last bastion of the
Nationalist government on Taiwan. Nonetheless, the Korean War
contributed enormously to the international prestige of the new China,
which fought the world’s greatest power to standstill, and to China
statue in North Korea as well as “marks the entry of China as a
significant actor in international politics” 8
;—Thus , Korea was a conflict fraught with ‘paradox’. It pushed
China and the Soviet Union closer together in an immediate sense only to
generate forces that afterward would split them apart more rapidly than
otherwise would have been the case. “China emerged from the war an overall winner, but so too
did its arch enemy the United States” 8a
. —Perhaps the greatest ‘paradox’ of all was that the conflict
wrought terrible devastation to Korea, militarized the cold war as never
before, and often threatened to escalate out of control, yet at its end
the great powers were less likely to become directly embroiled on the
battlefield than before it began (as with Vietnam war later).
“Whatever the problems it left unresolved, the war was a
defining event in ‘the long peace’ between the Soviet Union and the
United States, the two ideologies that marked the era following the
holocausts of the two world wars”9
. “Today, Tuesday 9th December 1997,
after 44 years since 1953, North and South Korea, again sitting down to
the negotiating table in Geneva, together with the United States and the
Russian” 10
. Hopefully, they all had
learn their previous lesson in the part, for I hope if they would to
avoiding a another Korean War. Notes
and References: 1US Department of State ‘Foreign Relations of the
United States’, Vol.6, 1947: “The Far East”.
Washington D.C., US government Printing Office 1955-1985. 2
Meyer, Milton Walter “A
Diplomatic History of the Philippine Republic”, Honolulu,
University of Hawaii Press, 1965, chapter 7. p. 111. 3
Matray, James Irving ‘The Reluctant Crusade:
American Foreign Policy in Korea 1941-1950’, Honolulu, University
of Hawaii Press, 1985, p.219. 4
Theodore Ropp, history
professor emeritus of Duke University: “War in the Modern
World”, Duke University Press, 1959, 1962, p.385-386. 4a
Dr.
Ken ,Cosgrove, lecturer in International Studies, Birkbeck
College-University of London, ‘The Korean War’ handout, February
1995, p.2. 5Koh, “The War’s Impact on the Korean
Peninsula”, in Williams, William J.,
ed., “Revolutionary War:
Korea and the Transformation of the Postwar World”,
Chicago, Imprint Publication, 1993, p. 246. 6
Luard, Evan. “A History of
the United Nations”, Vol.1: ‘The Year of Western Domination’,
1945 - 1955. New York, 1982, p.98-100. 7
Dr. Ken ,Cosgrove, lecturer in
International Studies, Birkbeck College-University of London, ‘The
Korean War’ handout, February 1995, p.3. 8 Dr. Ken Cosgrove, lecturer in International Studies, Birkbeck College-University of London, ‘The Korean War’ handout, February 1995, p.2. 8a William Stueck, “The Korean War”, Princeton University Press, 1995, p.370. 9
William
Stueck, “The Korean War”, Princeton University Press, 1995,
p.370. 10 CNN-Television, CNN NEWs, 9th of December 1997. |
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